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Quantification of biofilm was carried out as described by Melo et al. One hundred microlitres of this solution were transferred to a clean plate and quantified by spectrophotometry at nm.
Experiments were performed twice. Candida albicans ATCC was used as biofilm producer control.
Biofilm production was categorized following an arbitrarily established phenotype classification based on the quartiles of absorbance readings obtained at the 4 h-adhesion phase.
Readings were done after 48h for both antifungals. Antifungal susceptibility testing for biofilms was carried out using the 2,3-bis- 2-methoxynitrosulfophenyl -2H-tetrazoliumcarboxanilide XTT colorimetric method.
Finally, viable cells were quantified spectrophotometrically at nm. Antifungal-free cells were included as controls. Comparison of biofilm production among different experimental groups was performed with the Kruskal—Wallis test.
All statistical analyses were performed in GraphPad Prism 6. This has been the case despite they are referring to the elements that explain the situation of Latin American farmlands amid neoliberal globalization, particularly when inspecting those elements from a global, historical, and structural perspective. The aforesaid preference shows the blurring of metanarratives derived from the weakening of Latin American critical thinking Altamirano et al. For this reason, the so-called New Rurality constitutes a sort of watershed that was imported from Europe Rojas, for the classification of different conceptual twists that are not consistently explained due to the rejection of more comprehensive theoretical categorizations.
For instance, the conceptualization of neoliberal globalization does not depict it as a capitalist phase that leads to changes in urban and rural areas, the disjointed subordination of agriculture to industry, and alterations in rural society among which the most notable is deagriculturalization that are reflected in migration increases and the development of non-agricultural income sources.
It is important to stress that such characteristics clearly depict the agribusiness export predominance in neoliberal globalization. On the other hand, it can be stated that: The New Rurality concept is mainly supported by the fact that: These statements cannot be empirically refuted; they are the core basis of the socalled New Rurality in addition to the argument of the alleged dissolution of the borders between rural and urban areas.
However, what is not taken into account is the fact that agriculture's role in rural development has lost importance since the s due to the weakening of rural economies resulting from trade liberalization policies. Rural producers were forced to develop non-agricultural income sources, since agrarian production could not guarantee the successful development of rural families in an adverse context. Moreover, neoliberal governments contributed to the relative loss of the connection between agrarian incomes and the general economies of rural areas by prioritizing funds for household expenses over production subsidies.
The abovementioned authors state three additional facts through which New Rurality's critical deficit can be distinguished: It must be stressed that the fact that markets are controlled by a reduced number of agribusinesses constitutes not only a flaw in markets, but also a basic feature of the neoliberal agricultural exporting model Rubio, Lastly, the starring role of local governing bodies does not lead to democracy strengthening unless it promotes citizen interests and effective participation.
Furthermore, if such a role is not aimed at effectively decentralizing financial resources and authorities, it can turn into a mechanism through which national governing bodies will run away from their responsibilities. The fact that rural cultures are transformed by leaps and bounds and that globalization reaches, for better or for worse, not only economies but also cultures is evidently related to migration, which has proliferated since the s.
Therefore, what is depicted herein is a basic characteristic of neoliberal rurality rather than an innovative rurality. On the basis of said premise - and making no reference to the serious environmental deterioration derived from mining - it is important to stress that the empirical deployment of environmental awareness still needs to be proved, especially when taking into account soy production in Argentina, Bolivia, Paraguay and Uruguay, along with the intensive use of pesticides in agricultural export plantations.
To sum up, what is actually comprised in the New Rurality concept is nothing but a group of changes derived from neoliberal reforms that have come into force since the s.
The RTD's approach synthesizes and formalizes a consensus among multilateral organizations on the need to provide local areas with a more leading role by means of a more comprehensive view of rural society based on territories. However, it does not elucidate the tendencies derived from the capitalist restructuring process -for it is not determined to do so.5 editoriales mexicanas independientes que deben conocer
Therefore, rural areas face a contradictory logic; on the one hand, governments agree on the RTD's approach regarding the decentralization and multifunctionality of rural areas, local strategies and social participation planning, social coordination and joint responsibility promotion, citizenship development, and empowerment. On the other hand, said governments also agree that companies put pressure on communities to promote the creation of resorts, large mining industries, and large hydrologic or aeolian energy sources within their territory.
As a matter of fact, the RTD's approach entails relevant sustainability factors, such as environmental resources management and environmental services market development. Territorial organization as a decentralizing tool and a source for developing further knowledge about rural development also comprises progressive perspectives, such as equitable development, poverty alleviation, human development and democracy, among others.
Nonetheless, it mistakenly assumes that said characteristics can be achieved without reforming neoliberal policies that undoubtedly weaken rural society. One of the most debatable points within the RTD's approach is that, although it promotes local and territorial organizations, it extols the globalized markets empire and, consequently, the neoliberal macroeconomic policies.
With regard to the aforementioned premises, it is important to stress that: Rural development based on food sovereignty, democracy and sustainability In the context of global capitalist restructuring, Latin American rural areas face development conflicts which are also territorial disputes, hence there is a need to identify their main actors: A rural development model based on rural political participation and aimed at settling the aforesaid territorial disputes must be proposed through critical thinking.
In order to create such a model, projects that provide current peasant and indigenous agriculture, in their broadest sense, with a leading role through which both can develop within a sustainable, equitable, democratic and sovereign scheme must be promoted.
The question of development is central to the Latin American agenda and appears with force in both academics and in social movements Gudynas, Recently, at the Symposium on Rural Development with Territorial Approach held in Bogota, Molina introduced sixty papers and examined some key elements of rural territorial development underlining rural poverty persistence within the context of deep inequities in the distribution of property.
A wide range of perspectives that contribute to the debate on said matter — such as Esteva's proposal Esteva, to reject the development concept due to its proved inefficacy and alienating implications, along with the sumak kawsay approach, which has strong roots in indigenous cosmogony Chuji, - agree on the fact that world is threatened by predatory capitalism and extractivism.
MilMesetas – Michoacán homenajeado en la FIL del Palacio de Minería
We are a very heterogeneous organisation and the active members of our Executive Committee are becoming increasingly aware that the strategy the Congress should adopt in this changing world needs to be varied and very flexible.
Above all, I feel that, while often adopting firm positions regarding different aspects of totalitarianism, we should not charge at all the problems it poses like an angry bull. I found this depressing and still do, as it limits our opportunities to work positively in defense of intellectual freedom and win the sympathy and support of non-Communist left-wing circles via free discussion and persuasion.
If we do not agree, it does not matter. Palacios; the president of its Executive Committee, Roberto F. Solari, and its secretary of relations, Guillermo de Torre. Carranza acted as the supervisor of the Argentinian local structures. Furthermore, on 6th July Josselson considered that the tour undertaken by Carranza for the purpose of attracting more subscribers to Cuadernos had been a failure, which added to the highly disappointing results obtained in the period following the transformation of the magazine into a monthly publication.
Iglesias, Baeza Flores and Guilbert.